Under Modi, ED Has Become ‘Embarrassing Disaster’: Congress Hits Back on ‘Mrs Gandhi’ Claim

Naming the Enforcement Directorate a “humiliating catastrophe” under the present regulation, the Congress on Sunday said it is completely dedicated to testing Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his administration’s “arrangement” with AgustaWestland in the event that it comes to control in 2019.

The gathering said that after the BJP came to control at the Center, the Defense Ministry lifted the restriction on AgustaWestland forced amid the UPA rule and even enabled it to offer for 100 maritime utility helicopters.

“The ED may spare the Modi government today, yet when it is casted a ballot out of intensity in 2019, we are focused on completely explore PM Modi and his administration’s agreement with AgustaWestland,” Congress representative Randeep Surjewala told columnists.

He included, “Under Modi, the ED has turned into a humiliating calamity.”

The assault came multi day after the test office, researching the AgustaWestland case, told a court that charged agent Christian Michel has made a reference to “Mrs Gandhi”.

Surjewala asserted that the administration was constraining Michel to make a “false” explanation against the Gandhi family and challenged it to put in general society area any such proof it has against the Congress authority.

He blamed the administration for endeavoring to shroud its own “plot” in AgustaWestland case by making a great deal of clamor.

“They are utilizing Christian Michel as a sounding board to protect its own wrong doings and wrongdoings. Terrifying and running frightened, PM Modi and his administration are presently raking up contentions to conceal its own administration’s intrigue,” he said.

“It is presently evident that the ‘chowkidaar is daagdaar’ (the guard is corrupted),” he claimed.

Surjewala likewise represented a lot of six inquiries to the legislature and inquired as to why the Defense Ministry finished the restriction on AgustaWestland in July 2014 and made the organization a piece of the ‘Make in India’ program.

Online Battle for 900 Million Hearts and Minds—India Braces for 2019 Lok Sabha Election

At the point when India cast a ballot one year from now, it will be the world’s biggest law based exercise, and the greatest ever trial of the job of web-based social networking in a decision.

As the decision BJP prepares for the fight to come with the recently empowered Congress-drove restriction in 2019 Lok Sabha surveys, liable to be held by May, the job of Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp could be pivotal in choosing who wins.

India as of now has near 900 million qualified voters, and an expected a large portion of a-billion approach the Internet. The nation has 300 million Facebook clients and 200 million on Facebook’s WhatsApp informing administration—more than some other majority rules system. Millions use Twitter.

“Web-based social networking and information examination will be the fundamental performing artists in the up and coming India decisions. Their utilization would be uncommon as the two gatherings presently utilize online life,” said Usha M Rodrigues, a correspondences educator at Deakin University in Melbourne, Australia, whose examination has concentrated via web-based networking media and Indian governmental issues.

The potential for maltreatment is additionally gigantic, with flammable news and recordings fit for fanning savagery in the rambling multi-religious and multi-ethnic country. Counterfeit news and messages flowed via web-based networking media have prompted in excess of 30 passings since a year ago, information entry IndiaSpend says, generally bits of gossip about youngster hijacking posses.

Political contrasts have in the past been no less savage.

“Internet based life talk, effectively severe, will turn bilious,” Milan Vaishnav, a senior research individual at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, said of the coming effort for the general race. “It will be down to business via web-based networking media given that the restriction smells blood and the decision party has its options run out.”

Both the primary gatherings blame each other for engendering counterfeit news while denying they do as such themselves. By and by, the battlelines between them are plainly drawn. Congress has assaulted Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s monetary approaches and his gathering’s belief system, while the BJP rejects the Congress as inept dissidents withdrawn from the general population.

This month, the Congress won decisions in three noteworthy states that have been the bastion of the BJP, setting the phase for a tight challenge in 2019. Helping the resistance party was a patched up online life technique.

WAR ROOMS

At the last race in 2014, the Congress was smashed by the techno-shrewd Modi and his variety of web based life weapons, including a whirlwind of tweets from his own record, a BJP crusade on Facebook and holographic presentations of Modi in remote towns.

Congress boss Rahul Gandhi got a Twitter account just in 2015. Be that as it may, the restriction party is getting up to speed and the playing field has gotten much greater.

India presently has 450 million cell phone proprietors against 155 million at the last decision in 2014, as indicated by Counterpoint Research. That is more than the whole populace of the United States, the pot for race crusades via web-based networking media.

Reuters visited one of the center points of Congress’ online tasks in Rajasthan, one of the three states it won for the current month—a boring three-room loft up a faintly lit staircase in the city of Jaipur.

Inside, party laborers followed news stations and internet based life posts on a mass of TV screens. A three-part group of sound, video and realistic specialists structured battle material that was presented on open sites, while different volunteers utilized WhatsApp to send directions to party laborers.

“We were kids in those days, however we will defeat them currently,” said Manish Sood, 45, who runs his own internet based life showcasing business and was dealing with the Congress volunteers at the Jaipur war room.

All things considered, battling Modi online isn’t simple. With 43 million adherents on Facebook and 45 million on Twitter internationally, he is among the world’s most pursued government officials. Rahul still just has 8.1 million adherents on Twitter and 2.2 million on Facebook.

An ask for by Reuters to visit the BJP’s online life focus in Jaipur was declined, yet an individual from the gathering’s Rajasthan state IT unit, Mayank Jain, said it ran comparative web-based social networking tasks from two city lofts.

“Congress comprehends online life a bit now, however they don’t have the volunteer labor,” Jain said in a meeting, appearing of BJP WhatsApp bunches on his telephone, one of which was named “BJP RAJASTHAN’S Warriors”.

Ascent OF WHATSAPP

While Twitter and Facebook were grasped by Indian government officials, principally in the BJP, in 2014, it’s WhatsApp that has now turned into the web based life apparatus of decision.

In Jaipur city and the adjacent town of Tonk, where customary strategies like open discourses and blurb battles were broadly utilized amid the state survey, Congress and BJP party specialists demonstrated a Reuters journalist many WhatsApp bunches they were a piece of and utilized for crusading.

Congress said its volunteers oversaw 90,000 WhatsApp bunches in Rajasthan, while the BJP said it controlled 15,000 WhatsApp bunches specifically, with its laborers battling through generally another 100,000 gatherings.

Be that as it may, WhatsApp has been at the focal point of debate. After the false tyke capture messages were spread on the stage in India, it was overflowed with deceptions and paranoid ideas in front of the October decision in Brazil.

WhatsApp’s conclusion to-end encryption enables gatherings of many clients to trade writings, photographs and video past the domain of specialists, free actuality checkers or even the stage itself.

“WhatsApp is the greatest test for us right now on the web based life front,” said Nitin Deep Blaggan, a senior cop responsible for observing on the web content in Jaipur.

WhatsApp has constrained the quantity of messages a client can forward in one go to 20 however in India explicitly the roof was settled at five. The organization blocked “several thousands” of records in Brazil amid the decision time frame, and the equivalent was normal in front of India surveys, a source mindful of the organization’s reasoning said for this present month.

“We have connected with political coordinators to illuminate them that we will make a move against records that are sending mechanized undesirable messages,” Carl Woog, WhatsApp’s head of correspondences, told Reuters in an announcement. He didn’t name any gatherings.

A Facebook representative said the organization was “focused on keeping up decisions honesty” and attempting endeavors to “get rid of false news”. Twitter said it had attempted endeavors to secure the appointive procedure and better distinguish and stop vindictive movement.

Amid the Rajasthan decision, police ran a 10-man online life checking unit, following tweets and Facebook presents related on the state surveys. Inside the checking room, the posts were appeared on divider mounted screens and consequently sifted into nonpartisan, positive or negative segments.

The negative posts got uncommon consideration—they were physically checked and, once in a while hailed to senior cops for further examination and activity.

The sole point, individuals from the checking group stated, was to guarantee that no online post spilled into brutality.

One of the posts hailed by police when Reuters visited was a video from a Congress chief’s rally where individuals had all the earmarks of being yelling mottos for Pakistan, India’s old adversary.

Congress’ adjacent war room had just exposed the video they said was doctored. Inside hours, party laborers posted what they said was a “unique” video, that demonstrated that no one yelled such trademarks at the rally.

OPINION | How ‘Jodhpur Jaadugar’ Ashok Gehlot Countered Modi Magic in Rajasthan

The result of the fifteenth Vidhan Sabha decisions in the territory of Rajasthan has by and by brought the Congress in charge of issues. Winning 99 seats, the Congress accomplished a noteworthy gain of 78 puts over its 2013 calamity.

One seat was won by gathering’s partner, the Rashtriya Lok Dal. The gathering in this manner anchored a larger part with the help of its partner. The Congress has held 16 of the 21 seats it had won in 2013 and it has wrested 76 seats from the BJP and seven seats from others.

In the consequence of the decisions, Congress has the help of nine autonomous champs who battled as ‘rebels’ on being denied the Congress image. Six victors from the BSP and two from the CPM have additionally guaranteed help to the Congress government which will take promise on seventeenth December.

Consequently, the Congress currently has the help of 117 individuals in a Legislative Assembly which has a greatest quality of 200. Decision to one body electorate was conceded because of the demise of a BSP competitor.

The BJP, which had anchored a phenomenal decision in 2013 winning in 163 bodies electorate, endured a noteworthy invert losing in ninety places and winding up with a count of 73 situates as it were.

The annihilation of numerous senior clergymen of Vasundhra Raje government viz. Yunus Khan, Rajpal Singh Shekhawat, Prabhulal Saini, Shreechand Kriplani, Arun Chaturvedi, Gajendra Singh Khinvsar and Rao Rajendra Singh mirror the size of the misfortune. Indeed, even the Chief Minister herself confronted an intense battle from Manvendra Singh, child of Jaswant Singh one of the originators of the BJP, who left the BJP to join the Congress just before the races. In 65 of the 73 seats that the BJP won, Congress possessed the second position.

The recently framed Rashtriya Loktantrik Party and the Bharatiya Tribal Party enlisted triumphs in three and two seats, individually. Four free hopefuls were likewise fruitful in winning. It was intriguing to see that with the exception of the Congress revolt in the held seat of Kushalgarh (ST), all other winning competitors having a place with non-Congress and non-BJP political gatherings or independents anchored 20-30 percent cast a ballot.

The table beneath demonstrates a curious component of discretionary legislative issues in Rajasthan. Throughout the most recent two decades, five Assembly races have been held in the state. The result of every one of these decisions has prompted a difference in gathering in power.

The ‘rotating entryway’ result has been similarly shared by the Congress and the BJP. Focused discretionary legislative issues has turned out to be progressively bipolar in the state.

The BSP has turned into an ordinary component in the state gathering around four percent cast a ballot and a couple of seats. Other than the BSP and the Left gatherings, every other gathering have been vaporous in nature.

Assuming the job of ‘spoilers’ in one decision, these outfits vanish by the following race. The ‘independents’ are for the most part ‘rebels’ of BJP or Congress who ordinarily rejoin the parent party after some ostensible activity. What this infers is that in spite of the fact that the quantity of political gatherings, enlisted and unregistered, is high in every decision, there are just a couple of ‘compelling’ parties. More than 80 percent votes and seats are shared between the Congress and the BJP.

Eshwarappa Has an Eye on You: DK Shivakumar Jokingly Tells MB Patil During Mekedatu Meeting

The gathering called by Karnataka Chief Minister over the continuous Mekedatu dam issue started on a fairly funny note when the Congress and the BJP pioneers chose to pull each other’s leg, before the additionally squeezing issue could be examined.

Boss Minister HD Kumaraswamy considered a gathering with the previous boss priests and previous pastors of water assets to talk about an ‘agreeable arrangement’ with the neighboring territory of Tamil Nadu regarding the Mekedatu supply issue.

Senior pioneers of both the Congress and the BJP present in the gathering had a decent chuckle over a theoretical Operation Kamala, a term used to characterize the BJP’s supposed endeavors to topple the alliance government by receiving MLAs from the opposite side to theirs as a byproduct of cash and plum positions.

“You have chosen to take him along,” DK Shivakumar asked BJP pioneer KS Eshwarappa while the last was addressing another Congress pioneer, MB Patil. “He (Eshwarappa) has an eye on you,” Shivakumar told MB Patil.

Eshwarappa who was sitting between HK Patil and MB Patil joked, “Do you figure it will be even one percent fruitful? It might be conceivable with HK Patil yet do you believe it’s conceivable with MB Patil?”

MB Patil and HK Patil, both previous Ministers in the Siddaramaiah government, are among a portion of the senior Congress pioneers who were denied bureau billets amid its development. The previous had additionally communicated his mistake over it more than once since the alliance government came to control.

The likelihood of the disappointed MLAs exchanging sides and toppling the administration is a test that the alliance government has been gazing at each time the discussions of bureau development comes up

As Both BJP and Congress Claim Victory in MP, Here’s How Voter Trends Can Swing Their Fortunes

In front of the Lok Sabha decisions, the Madhya Pradesh get together surveys in 2013 were a piece of the survey cycle which denoted the start of a triumphant streak for the Bharatiya Janata Party, helping it wrest control from the Congress at the Center by a pounding greater part. The BJP won a 66% greater part in the state and framed government for the third back to back time.

Be that as it may, after five years, the Congress has turned the warmth on Shivraj Singh Chouhan government by taking up issues of agriculturists, ladies, youth, swelling, and defilement. The gathering is wanting to make a gouge into BJP’s vote offer and frame an administration in the state in the wake of being in restriction for a long time.

Give us a chance to take a gander at measurements from past races to extrapolate how electorate may have casted a ballot this time around.

High Voter Turnout Helps BJP

After the 75% turnout in Madhya Pradesh, the most astounding in an Assembly race in the state up until now, many may have accepted, and as the regular discernment goes – that enemy of incumbency in the state and a high voter turnout could support the resistance.

Be that as it may, in spite of the conviction, this high voter turnout or casting a ballot rate in Madhya Pradesh isn’t a sufficient marker of the counter incumbency wave in the state. Despite what might be expected, however, past patterns from the prior decisions uncover that an adjustment in voter turnout for the most part helps the BJP.

For instance, of the 17 expresses that chose another legislature since May 2014, 10 states recorded expanded casting a ballot rate. The BJP profited in the get together decisions in seven of these states.

In Maharashtra, casting a ballot rate enhanced from 60% in 2009 get together decision to 64 percent in 2014 surveys. The BJP developed as the single-biggest gathering missing the mark concerning lion’s share however supplanted the Congress as the decision party in Maharashtra after the surveys.

In Haryana, casting a ballot rate expanded to 76.9% in 2014 get together surveys a record for the state from 72.29% in 2009 decision. The BJP won a lion’s share individually and removed the Congress from power in Haryana.

The decision results in Jharkhand were additionally to some degree comparative. The casting a ballot rate in Jharkhand enhanced by almost 6.5% focuses to 66.03% in 2014 from 59.40 in 2009 get together race. The BJP vanquished the Congress and its partners the RJD, JD(U) and the JMM.

In Jammu and Kashmir additionally, when the state went to surveys in 2014, the race saw increment in casting a ballot rate from 60.4% in 2008 to 65.23% in 2014. It finished in a hung get together yet the BJP picked up in the Jammu locale winning 25 situates in the state gathering, later framing a legislature with the People’s Democratic Party that finished two or three months back.

What’s more, in the event that one takes a gander at its switch, when the voter turnout has been not exactly the before decision year, the BJP has wound up in a tight spot. This was seen amid the Gujarat race when the BJP saw its seat share tumble from 115 of every 2012 to 99 of every 2017. That year the voter turnout dunked by 3% to 68.41% in the state contrasted with the 2012 surveys when 71.32% surveying was enlisted.

In the event that this pattern of increment in voter turnout proceeds with, the BJP could have leverage.

The Widening Vote Share Gap and Winning Margins

In Madhya Pradesh, both BJP and the Congress expanded their vote share in the 2013 get together decision. The Congress saw an expansion of 3.97% in its vote share, the BJP recorded a vote level of 44.87 %, outperforming its past high of 42.5% in 2003.

This hole of 9% focuses higher than Congress’ likewise helped the BJP to change over the vote share into more seats. For each seat won, the BJP required near 92,000 votes, not exactly 50% of the Congress figure of 212,300.

Congress Has Proclivity of Peddling ‘Soft Hindutva’, Compromising on Communalism: Yechury

Assaulting the Congress, CPI(M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury on Thursday affirmed it had a proclivity for hawking “delicate Hindutva” and trading off with communalism and said religion ought to be isolated from governmental issues.

Talking at a press instructions at the Indian Womens Press Club (IWPC), he attacked the administration’s demonetisation choice and said ‘notebandi’ would spell fate for the BJP, much the same as ‘nasbandi’ or vasectomy battle improved the situation at that point head administrator Indira Gandhi.

At the point when gotten some information about Congress boss Rahul Gandhi’s sanctuary visit and the gathering’s ongoing proclamation which guarantees Gaushalas in every Gram Sabha if the gathering came to control in Madhya Pradesh, he stated, “We have constantly kept up the Congress has this proclivity for delicate Hindutva and bargaining with communalism.”

“This has been the historical backdrop of the Congress and we have dependably challenged it. At the point when the mainstream, just character of our Constitution is to be maintained, religion ought to be isolated from our legislature and governmental issues,” Yechury said.

He additionally said the a great many agriculturists, who had met in the national capital on Thursday, were the ‘genuine India’ and they feature the vocation issues that the nation was confronting.

The CPI(M) pioneer affirmed the present government was overlooking these requests and focusing on the “public Hindutva votebank”.

“Notebandi (demonetisation) will do to Modi what nasbandi (vasectomy) battle did to Indira Gandhi,” he said alluding to the 1977 decisions when the Congress lost power without precedent for free India.

On the absence of an assembled restriction against the BJP, Yechury said given the statistic of the nation there would never be an “all India” alliance before races and such organizations would be constrained to the states.

“It is the general population’s weight from beneath that is compelling every one of the gatherings to meet up to guarantee that this administration is evacuated,” he stated, including that Indian political history had demonstrated that there were not really any pre-survey unions.

“Indeed, even the Congress drove United Progressive Alliance met up after the aftereffects of 2004 general races. I am sure that a course of action will come into place to get an other mainstream government,” he said.

Yechury claimed the BJP government was raking up the Ayodhya and Sabarimala issues to spellbind the nation for votes and said it was the “more awful type of votebank legislative issues”.

Countering charges that the nonattendance of a prime ecclesiastical face against Modi had debilitated the resistance, Yechury said that in 2004 additionally it appeared that there was nobody deserving of countering BJP’s Atal Behari Vajpayee, yet at the same time he lost.

On the Pakistan government’s welcome to the head administrator for the SAARC meet, which India has rejected, Yechury said discourse between the two nations should proceed while making psychological oppression non-debatable.

“The street for discourse ought to dependably be kept open. This, be that as it may, does not imply that we don’t denounce dread. We are stating that psychological warfare is a non-debatable issue. It is entirely hostile to national. In any case, exchanges should proceed, kindly don’t stop it,” he said.

He likewise asserted the present government had lessened India to a “lesser accomplice of the US” and it had lost its stature as a nation with an autonomous outside arrangement.

“Presently, this is the first occasion when we find that India has been transparently, conspicuously adjusting as a lesser accomplice of US,” he stated, including that over the most recent five years the nation’s associations with neighbors like Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka had decayed.

On the Kartarpur hall, Yechury said he was cheerful that the move would extend more prominent individuals to individuals trades which would be colossally gainful for both the nations.

Sidhu Made Captain Imran Happy in Kartarpur, But Captain Amarinder is Not Amused

The Sardar of Swag has given the Congress battle a lift, blazing his Sikhpack of rib-ticklers and preparing his twofold barrelled play on words weapons on the BJP. Navjot Singh Sidhu’s fast fire chokes destroyed the BJP’s lack of concern, as he took his joker-naut from state to state. The lotus powers have no response to Turbanator 2.0.

Not every person is snickering, however. His magnificence, the Maharaja of Patiala, isn’t interested. Association priests Harsimrat Kaur Badal and Hardeep Singh Puri are out and out melancholy.

Sidhu’s no-limit craving for commendation drove him to take the show prior this week at the weighty function of the sans visa Kartarpur Sahib passageway for Sikh travelers, between Dera Baba Nanak and Kartarpur.

It’s not cricket, cried humorless outside approach examiners, as Sidhu showed up amazed by his “yaar dildaar Imran Khan”. He appeared to overlook they were meeting on a very unique pitch. Subsequently, Team Imran left with PR focuses, leaving Team NDA baffled. At the point when Imran welcomed him to challenge decisions from Pakistan, wicket kid Sidhu should’ve reviewed his own witticism, “Be careful the stripped man who offers you his shirt”.

On the off chance that Captain Imran was satisfied with Sidhu, Captain Amarinder was definitely not. The Punjab boss clergyman had rejected Pakistan’s welcome to go to the establishment stone service, while its Army was going all Osama container Laden on Indian officers. He exhorted Sidhu not to visit, but rather Naughty Navjot went in any case.

The imperial rage was shared by the Center, which was at that point fractious over Sidhu’s mate fest in Pakistan prior this year, at the swearing-in of his old cricketing buddy turned-PM. Searching for an Instagrammable minute in Islamabad, he chose to take ex-buddy PM Narendra Modi‘s trademark jhappi. A head of state wasn’t accessible, so he agreed to the following best – or far and away superior—thing: Pakistan Army Chief Qamar Javed Bajwa.

The Captain, a doughty old warrior, was exasperated: “It wasn’t right for him to have demonstrated the friendship towards the Pakistan Army Chief when our troopers are being martyred”. The saucy surd, who was later rapped on the knuckles by close relative Sushma, expelled the embrace as a last minute thing.

When he lined it up with an announcement that he could relate more to Pakistan than South India, it was excessively for the BJP. Representative Sambit Patra prompted Sidhu to join Team Pakistan (maybe as clergyman for satisfaction?). Be that as it may, the jokester sovereign’s votaries asserted his embrace had dissolved boundaries to Kartarpur.

Sidhu’s manager may see him as a bozo and an irritating burden, however the Congress (outside Punjab) believes he’s a cheerful decent individual. At the Congress whole session prior this year, his revolting honeyed words of ‘asardar sardar’ Manmohan Singh won a snicker from her equivocal glory, Sonia Gandhi. The ex-PM reacted with a humiliated jerk of the lips, conceivably speculating a tongue-in-cheekism.

Sagacious Congress satraps released their yappy-cheerful, free lipped gun on the BJP in the Assembly decisions. His political parody visit hit the battle field, accumulating a greater number of laughs than Rahul Gandhi’s tactless act. The rhymester’s snappy ‘Modi lehar-kehar-zahar’ motto got on.

The BJP can’t state it wasn’t cautioned. Sidhu hosted combined the get in 2004, with a homicide case hanging over his head. A street rager before he turned into extremely popular, he had pummeled a 65-year-old (who dropped dead on the spot) yet proceeded to beat the rap. His cricket editorial and counter-tricks with Kapil Sharma kept India in parts, even as he tossed a forceful sulk in the wake of dropping out with the Badals in 2009.

At the point when the BJP declined to sever the partnership with the Akali Dal, he said a final farewell to the BJP. After a concise tease with the Aam Aadmi Party, he joined the Congress. Presently the gloves were off on the grounds that, as Sidhu stated, “a feline with gloves gets no mice”.

The Azad Hind Yuva Congress’ case that Sherry paaji has transformed the Congress wave into an aandhi, might be exaggerated. Be that as it may, in an acrid and humorless political situation, much the poorer for Lalu Yadav’s nonattendance, Sidhu’s gritty (if some of the time raunchy) witticisms are swarm pleasers. He will most likely be unable to tell a news meeting from stand-up satire appear, yet he realizes how to work a group of people. Without a doubt, a nation where the Supreme Court is appealed to edit sardar jokes can do with a jovial sardar?

Under the muffle aestheticness, he is a shrewd government official, who realizes when to switch fleeting trends. Lovey-dovey with the Congress first family when all is said in done and Priyanka Vadra specifically, he’s endeavoring to assemble a body electorate in Punjab directly under the Captain’s nose. However, he might not have the last chuckle and wind up as @sherryontop. To cite a persisting Sidhuism, “Wickets resemble spouses, no one can really tell which way they will turn”.

19 Yrs After Hosting Sushma vs Sonia, Sun Finally Setting on Janardhana Reddy’s ‘Republic of Bellary’

Contracted planes, a wedding setting taking after a scene straight out of the Vijayanagara realm and a 50,000-in number list if people to attend. The showy wedding of disrespected mining nobleman Gali Janardhana Reddy’s little girl, Brahmani, would have cocked eyebrows whenever, however coming as it did following eight days of demonetisation, it was national news.

The November 16, 2016 function is said to have cost anyplace between Rs 50 crore and Rs 500 crore, contingent upon whom you accept.

The excessive function was not only a showcase of riches, it was a flag that the previous BJP serve, the second of the three Reddy siblings of Bellary, was back. Three years in prison on debasement accusations had done little to reduce his clout or cash control, or possibly that was the plan.

The rebound, be that as it may, hasn’t gone to design.

On November 7, multi day after the decision Janata Dal (Secular)- Congress consolidate removed the BJP from its Bellary stronghold 14 years on in a Lok Sabha bypoll, Janardhana was mysteriously absent. It was thought he had kept himself to his home after the stun overcome however acknowledgment before long unfolded that the 51-year-old was escaping police, dreading capture in a Rs 500-crore Ponzi plot.

He was captured on November 11 and got safeguard three days after the fact. The case is the most recent in a heap of cases he and his two siblings confront.

Contentions and the Reddys — senior Gali Karunakara Reddy and the more youthful Somashekhara Reddy are BJP MLAs — are never too far separated. As far back as they rose on Karnataka’s political scene in 1999, they have been in the news, generally for the wrong reasons.

BJP, Olympics and ‘Republic of Bellary’

Offspring of a police constable, the Reddy siblings were conceived in Bellary. The siblings were little-known proprietors of an independent company till Congress president Sonia Gandhi and senior BJP pioneer Sushma Swaraj conflicted in Bellary in the 1999 Lok Sabha race.

The siblings knew which way the breeze was blowing and put their strength behind Swaraj. Sonia won, however it was the BJP that came to control at the Center. The Reddys before long had Swaraj and other senior BJP pioneers on speed-dial.

Wealthy in iron mineral, Bellary saw a mining blast as China arranged to have the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Driven by Janardhana, the siblings utilized their clout to run a mining mafia, threatening the whole locale and mining organizations. The Republic of Bellary was ready for action.

Their cash and muscle control was for all to see when in 2006 they held hands with first-time MLA and JD(S) pioneer HD Kumaraswamy to topple the Congress government in the southern state. Janardhana was made a MLC and his companion, B Sriramulu, a priest.

Bellary is an inborn overwhelmed locale. The Reddys picked Sriramulu, a nearby, to charm the network however the power stayed with them.

The 2008 get together race was maybe Janardhana’s best minute. He rushed to get the help of five Independent MLAs, guaranteeing the BJP crossed the midway stamp. BS Yeddyurappa turned into the central priest of the BJP’s first government in a southern state and Janardhana was his travel industry and foundation serve.

Digging for inconvenience

The bonhomie, be that as it may, didn’t last. The siblings turned into a steady wellspring of inconvenience for Yeddyurappa.

In July 2011, Lokayukta Justice N Santosh Hegde presented a give an account of unlawful mining in Bellary, pegging the loss of income somewhere in the range of 2006 and 2010 at more than Rs 16,000 crore. The report arraigned Yeddyurappa, Janardhana and furthermore named around 800 authorities.

The administration crumbled. Janardhana, who supposedly made Rs 5,000 crore through illicit mining, confronted a few instances of defilement. He needed to put in three years in Hyderabad and Bengaluru imprisons and lashed out at the BJP initiative when he was set up out of the gathering.

After his discharge, Janardhana stayed under the radar, until his little girl’s wedding. He was before long back in the BJP. While the two his siblings effectively challenged the current year’s get together decision, Bellary had slipped out of the hands of the BJP and in addition the Reddy siblings. The Congress won five of the nine seats in the regions.

Janardhana purportedly endeavored to “purchase” the Congress and JD(S) MLAs as Yeddyurappa mixed to get the numbers in the House.

Sound chronicles of his supposed discussions with the restriction MLAs were made open by the Congress and JD(S) to humiliate the BJP, whose administration crumbled in 56 hours.

Janardhana trusted that the tempest will fade away and developed simply after by-decision for Bellary, a seat cleared by Sriramulu, was called.

Janardhana, banished him from entering the locale by the Supreme Court, stayed outdoors in neighboring regions and coordinated the BJP’s crusade. Be that as it may, the neighborhood BJP pioneers fended off, with some notwithstanding saying he was not with the gathering. It profoundly disturbed him.

OPINION | Indira Gandhi and Her Reluctance in Carving Out Punjabi-Speaking Punjab

Indira Gandhi was sharply contradicted to the formation of Punjab on phonetic lines as she used to nearly relate to her minority Hindu supporters in the state.

Scarcely a half year before her death, the head administrator tried to guarantee the greater part network that “if there is bad form to them or in the event that they didn’t get their rights, at that point it is hazardous to the respectability of the nation.” (Cited by AG Noorani in Economic and Political Weekly on November 3, 1990)

Indira had quite recently assumed control as head administrator in March 1966 when an interest for making of a Punjabi Suba was surrendered. In her book, My Truth (Vision Books), distributed in 1980, Indira had reviewed her worries of 1965 when she was Minister for Information and Broadcasting in the Lal Bahadur Shastri bureau and a panel under then Lok Sabha Speaker Sardar Hukum Singh had favored the formation of Punjabi Suba.

Indira composed that she was against the arrangement of Punjab based on dialect as it had let down Congress’ Hindu supporters. In her own words, “To yield the Akali request would mean deserting position to which it (Congress) was solidly dedicated and letting down its Hindu supporters in the anticipated Punjabi Suba… . This startling inversion of Congress police was absolutely unforeseen.”

After the 1947 Partition of Punjab, Sikhs seriously requested the development of a Punjabi-talking state, yet the First Reorganization of State Commission, 1956 under Justice Fazal Ali neglected to address their worries. Compelling Akali pioneers Fateh Singh and Tara Singh initiated a development for a different state in which Sikh religious, social and semantic trustworthiness could be saved.

At the point when the 1961 Census was led, Akali administration asserted that a staggering number of Hindus recorded Hindi as their native language, just to slow down the arrangement of a Punjabi-talking state or avert Sikhs who framed 58 percent of the populace, to run the state. In 1966, Punjab was part into three conditions of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.

In this specific situation, Indira’s concern for Hindu affectability was huge. Indeed, even in 1980, when she was back as executive, her memory of “startling inversion of Congress arrangement” in letting down Congress’ Hindu supporters amid the development of Punjabi suba mirrored her profound worry for the Hindu people group. A portion of Indira’s biographers like Katherine Frank, SS Gill and Pupul Jayakar saw that when she had come back to control in 1980, Indira had turned part more touchy towards Hindu people group than Muslims or Sikhs. The Jan Sangh’s mastery over Janata Party and the arrangement of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and as once huge mob transformation of 1,300 Harijans to Islam in Meenakshipuram in April 1981 had made the leader stressed that collective issues would rule the political story.

The RSS perceived Indira’s anxiety for Hindus living in Punjab. Not long after her death on October 31, 1984, veteran RSS ideologue Nanaji Deshmukh composed a piece, distributed in a Hindi magazine Pratipaksh where Deshmukh portrayed Indira as , “… Indira Gandhi eventually secured a lasting spot at the doorstep of History as an extraordinary saint. With her dynamism conceived out of her courage and skill, she could take the nation forward like a monster for over 10 years… only she had the capacity to run the debauched political arrangement of our degenerate and separated society… ”

The formation of Punjabi Suba, nonetheless, did not satisfy Sikh people group’s political yearnings. Punjab was not given its capital Chandigarh despite Indira herself promising in January 1970. A few rounds of talks at both formal and casual levels were held all through 1970s and mid 1980s however Chandigarh issue stayed uncertain.

CPM pioneer Harkishan Singh Surjeet had disclosed to Mark Tully and Satish Jacob in 1982, “Three times in a half year an understanding was come to and three times the executive pulled out. Each time the interests of the Hindus of Haryana were gauged more vigorously with her than a settlement with the Sikhs.”

According to the plans, the two tehsils of Fazilka and Abohar were not exchanged from Punjab to Haryana as these tehsils were not touching to Haryana. A 10-kilometer passage was required to interface them to Haryana.

Indira’s most loved Bhajan Lal who made a questionable history of sorts in abandoning the whole chamber of clergymen to the Congress in Haryana, added to ruining fragile Hindu-Sikh ties. At the point when the Akalis debilitated to disturb 1982 Asian Games held in New Delhi, Bhajan Lal made phenomenal game plans to frustrate Akali challenge. Each Sikh originating from Punjab to Delhi via prepare or street, was physically searched. There were occasions of Sikhs being compelled to evacuate their turban.

By mid 1984, against Sikh uproars ejected in Haryana in countering to the murdering of Hindus in Punjab where militancy and dissidence was cresting. In Amritsar (Rupa Books 1985), writers Mark Tully and Satish Jacob recorded how Hindu swarms torched a gurdwara in Panipat and Sikhs were hauled out of transports, shaved and executed. Indira remained a quiet onlooker similarly as she had watched separatists in Punjab slaughter Hindus nearly freely.

‘Hello, Want an Ice-Cream?’: When Rahul Gandhi Took a Break from Campaigning

As the frozen yogurt man thoroughly moved metal scrappers to mix natural product syrup and nuts on an ice dish, an ‘uncommon’ guest enthusiastically held up with radiating eyes and elbows on the counter.

The man was none other than Congress president Rahul Gandhi, who had touched base at Indore’s mainstream ’56 Dukan’ after the day’s chaotic battling ahead on Madhya Pradesh gathering decisions.

While the 47-year-old pioneer sat tight for his frozen yogurt, occupants thronged the shop with many taking recordings through the glass mass of the shop. Gandhi was joined by senior Congress pioneers Kamal Nath and Jyotiraditya Scindia.

Entranced by the crisply moved desserts on the solidified machine, the pioneers were heard shouting, “Waah!”

Before long, the shop staff hands over Gandhi his measure of treat. However, before he could take a chomp, he detects a youngster landing at the parlor with his folks. “Hi! Frozen yogurt logey? (need an ice-cream?),” he asks the tyke, who was slurped up. The tyke rushed to take his chomp and the Congress pioneers grinned.

The video, which was tweeted by Congress, has gotten more than 6,000 preferences since Monday night